Um no. the 2008 decision did not reaffirm the "right to arms".
Well,
Heller certainly returned the federal court opinion to prior SCOTUS opinion by invalidating the lower federal court perversions of
Tot and
Cases and their "collective right" / "militia right" / "state's right" inventions.
Under the 2008 decision of McDonald
McDonald was heard and decided in 2010. But please, . . . Continue . . .
not only is the original historic "state's militia" motivation abandoned
Uhhh, "original historic"??? And what precisely is being motivated?
(you should actually read McDonald)
I have many times but not once in the philosophical, historical and legal vacuum you have . . .
Judge Alito underscored the same capricious and arbitrary rule that Scalia put forth in Heller. . . Namely that "dangerous" and "unusual" arms were not protected Well of course this begs the question as to what is and is not a "dangerous arm". The notion that a handgun is not dangerous is preposterous based on the data, yet regularly asserted by gun fetishists and these two justices.
Can't see the forest because of the trees huh?
All roads lead to
Aymette v State; that's where the
Miller Court garnered its reasoning and it explains the use of the term "dangerous and unusual" as applied to arms and their scope of protection. Scalia and Alito continue with that reasoning and follow prior SCOTUS opinion . . .
Dangerous and unusual is not a stand alone criteria . . . It is what's left after the type of arm fails
ALL the long-standing inclusion / protection tests.
They are, to refresh your memory:
- In common use at the time and/or
- are usually employed in civilized warfare and/or
- that constitute the ordinary military equipment and/or
- can be employed advantageously in the common defence of the citizens.
Failing
ALL those tests, the arm could then be argued to be "dangerous and unusual" and the legislature could be said to possess the legitimate power to restrict that type of arm.
Here is the pertinent excerpt from
Aymette, beginning on page 158, cited within Miller's famous "
In the absence of any evidence" paragraph as, "Aymette v. State, 2 Humphreys (Tenn.) 154, 158".
"As the object for which the right to keep and bear arms is secured, is of general and public nature, to be exercised by the people in a body, for their common defence, so the arms, the right to keep which is secured, are such as are usually employed in civilized warfare, and that constitute the ordinary military equipment. If the citizens have these arms in their hands, they are prepared in the best possible manner to repel any encroachments upon their rights by those in authority. They need not, for such a purpose, the use of those weapons which are usually employed in private broils, and which are efficient only in the hands of the robber and the assassin. These weapons would be useless in war. They could not be employed advantageously in the common defence of the citizens. The right to keep and bear them, is not, therefore, secured by the constitution.
A thousand inventions for inflicting death may be imagined, which might come under the appellation of an "arm" in the figurative (p.159)use of that term, and which could by no possibility be rendered effectual in war, or in the least degree aid in the common defence. Would it not be absurd to contend that a constitutional provision, securing to the citizens the means of their common defence, should be construed to extend to such weapons, although they manifestly would not contribute to that end, merely because, in the hands of an assassin, they might take away life?
The legislature, therefore, have a right to prohibit the wearing, or keeping weapons dangerous to the peace and safety of the citizens, and which are not usual in civilized warfare, or would not contribute to the common defence. The right to keep and bear arms for the common defence is a great political right. It respects the citizens on the one hand and the rulers on the other. And although this right must be inviolably preserved, yet, it does not follow that the legislature is prohibited altogether from passing laws regulating the manner in which these arms may be employed."
So these rulings hardly do what you think they do.
I am comfortable standing on my ground that
Heller and
McDonald can be effective vehicles to invalidate wide swaths of existing gun control and to defeat the enactment of proposed measures. Your position, that they render the right infirm is quite ridiculous and hopefully just chocked up to liberal wishful thinking on your part and not evidence of a profound separation from reality.
Read them carefully. And by carefully I don't mean "looking for evidence to support your claim" - but rather read them as though you were an hard core anti-gun advocate looking for ways to use the rulings to regulate gun ownership. You will find them far weaker than you think.
And I would suggest you read the 2nd Amendment in alignment with the principle endorsed many times by SCOTUS that the right to arms is not granted, given, created or established by the Amendment and is not in any manner dependent upon the 2nd Amendment for its existence.
Perhaps then you might stop the intellectually dishonest and constitutionally illegitimate practice of "interpreting" conditions, qualifications and restraints on the right to arms from words that the right
does not rely on.
It certainly would allow a more legitimate reading of
Heller and
McDonald. LOL